1) Bibliographic data
Rivera-Salgado, Gaspar. (1999) “Mixtec Activism in Oaxacalifornia:
Transborder Grassroots Political Strategies.” The American Behavioral
Scientist, V. 42-9, June/July:1439-58.
2) Question(s) addressed by the author and working arguments
This article analyzes the experience of indigenous migrant workers from
the state of Oaxaca who have formed permanent communities in northern Mexico
and in California. It focuses specifically on the experience of the Mixtec
transnational community whose participation in the Frente Indígena
Oaxaqueño Binacional has strengthened and changed the ethnic identities
that hold together these communities across a fractured geography of different
borders and has served as one of the bases to organize across these transnational
borders.
The article seeks to accomplish four goals. First, it will discuss the
theoretical implications of transnational approaches to migration. It will
also provide the political context of the transnational activism of indigenous
migrant farmworkers. The article will then explain in more detail the context
of indigenous migration from Mexico to the United States. Finally, it will
discuss specific examples of transnational activism and its impact on politics
in the communities of origin and destiny. This analysis contributes to
an understanding of how the activism of transnational political organizations
promotes the construction of new political alliances along ethnic lines
in a post-melting-pot California and the consolidation of indigenous migrant
organizations within the context of increasing U.S.-Mexican economic integration.
3)
Conceptual references to transnational – transnationalism
Recent literature on international migration has focused on the emergence
of transnational communities. These studies have furthered our understanding
about transnational action, community building, and the formation of
transnational political communities in the United States, Mexico, and
the Caribbean.
In this literature, transnationalism is defined as “the process
by which immigrants forge and sustain multi-stranded social relations
that link together their societies of origin and settlement”. At
the heart of the transnational approach to international migration is
the argument that the current restructuring of global capital produces
a new set of political, economic, and social relations between the sending
communities and governments and the citizens abroad.
At the same time, transnationalism reminds us that migrants remain heavily
involved in the life of their countries of origin even though they no
longer permanently live there. Transnational social relations thus allow
migrants to develop and maintain multiple relations in more than one
nation-state. It is also argued that the present transnational migration
represents a different experience from those of past migrations: it now
involves the constant movement of people and heightens social and economic
dependence between transmigrants and nation-states within a field of
global social networks.
The process by which immigrants build social fields that link together
their countries of origin and their countries of settlement are the product
of the current global capitalist system and have created a situation
in which migrants construct, maintain, and reproduce transnational links
as a response to shifts in the global economy. The global restructuring
of capital has created dislocations in industrialized states (deindustrialization)
and in the Third World (economic adjustment programs), giving rise to
increased migration in a context of economic vulnerability in both host
and sending states, and has “increased the likelihood that migrants
would construct a transnational existence”
While politicians and government officials are engaged in nation-building
projects, transmigrants themselves construct transnational identities.
In some ways, for indigenous migrant workers and for Mixtecs in particular,
the development of transnational communities is paralleled by the transnationalization
of labor-intensive fruit and vegetable production. The ability of Mixtec
indigenous communities to adapt to the transnational process of migration
is closely related to the high degree of autonomy they have traditionally
exercised to regulate their internal affairs.
As can be seen, the political practices of the transnational indigenous
migrant organizations have gone far beyond the recent attempts by the
Mexican state to recognize the particular situation of millions of Mexicans
who have been incorporated in the U.S bound migratory process.
4) Conclusions or Final Remarks
To expand the transnationalist approach to immigration, this article
grounds the experience of Mixtec transnational communities in history
and social structure rather than in identity concerns, illustrating
the way in which ethnicity influences the process of migration, settlement,
and political behavior among Mexican migrants. The research also shows
that indigenous migrants have done better than other mestizo Mexican
migrants in developing binational grassroots organizations to defend
their political and economic rights. On one hand, long-term transnational
migration is not reducing ethnicity but instead is causing it to emerge
and intensify. On the other hand, the political activism of these indigenous
migrants is also transforming their communities of origin dramatically,
allowing for the emergence of new forms of transnational political
communities due to the transnational political practice.
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